On June 9, Consul General Li Nan published a signed article titled “The Legal Authority of the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758 Must Not Be Challenged----The UN Clearly Defines Taiwan as a Province of China” in the Northern Ireland mainstream media the Irish News. The full text is as follows:

This year marks the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War. It also marks the 80th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. For quite some time, some countries have been distorting and challenging the U.N. General Assembly Resolution 2758 (UNGA Resolution 2758), attempting to turn back the wheel of history by reviving the so-called “undetermined status of Taiwan” argument. This same old rhetoric lacks any basis in international law, distorts the fact and history, and treads on international law and the basic norms of international relations.

Ⅰ. Taiwan has belonged to China since ancient times. This statement has a sound basis in history and jurisprudence.

In July 1894, Japan launched a war of aggression against China. In April 1895, the defeated Qing government of China was forced to cede Taiwan and the Penghu Islands to Japan, which indirectly confirms that Taiwan is part of Chinese territory.

On December 1, 1943, the governments of China, the United States, and the United Kingdom issued the Cairo Declaration, stating that it was their purpose to have all territories Japan had stolen from China, such as Northeast China, Taiwan, and Penghu Islands, restored to China. On July 26, 1945, the Potsdam Proclamation, signed by the same three countries and subsequently joined by the Soviet Union, reiterated that “the terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out.”

In September 1945, Japan signed the Japanese Instrument of Surrender, pledging to “carry out the provisions of the Potsdam Proclamation in good faith”. On October 25, the Chinese government announced that it was resuming the exercise of sovereignty over Taiwan, and the ceremony to accept Japan’s surrender in Taiwan Province of the China war theater of the Allied powers was held in Taipei. From that point forward, China had recovered Taiwan de jure and de facto through a host of documents with international legal effect.

On October 1, 1949, the People’s Republic of China was founded, becoming the successor to the Republic of China (1912-1949), and the Central People’s Government became the only legitimate government of the whole of China. The new government replaced the previous Kuomintang regime in a situation where China, as a subject under international law, did not change and China’s sovereignty and inherent territory did not change. As a natural result, the government of the People’s Republic of China should enjoy and exercise China’s full sovereignty, which includes its sovereignty over Taiwan.

Ⅱ. The adoption of the UNGA Resolution 2758 is a significant event in the diplomatic history of the U.N. and the history of the post-World War II international relations.

On October 25, 1971, the 26th Session of the UNGA adopted Resolution 2758 with an overwhelming majority, which decided to “restore all its rights to the People's Republic of China and to recognize the representatives of its Government as the only legitimate representatives of China to the United Nations, and to expel forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the place which they unlawfully occupy at the United Nations and in all the organizations related to it.” This resolution settled once and for all the political, legal and procedural issues of China’s representation in the U.N.

On the day of the vote on Resolution 2758, Chiang Kai-shek’s representative also acknowledged in a statement that other countries “have stressed the fact that Taiwan is Chinese territory,” “on this I cannot agree more,” and “the people of Taiwan are Chinese in terms of race, history and culture.” After the adoption of Resolution 2758, all official U.N. documents referred to Taiwan as “Taiwan, Province of China.” and the “‘authorities’ in ‘Taipei’ are not considered to… enjoy any form of government status.”

The adoption of Resolution 2758 had a wide-reaching and profound political impact on the practice of international relations. It effectively made the one-China principle a basic norm of international relations and a prevailing consensus in the international community.

Ⅲ. Challenging Resolution 2758 amounts to a challenge to the post-World War II international order and the authority of the U.N.

Resolution 2758 clearly states that “recalling the principles of the Charter of the United Nations,” “that restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China is essential both for the protection of the Charter of the United Nations and for the cause that the United Nations must serve under the Charter.” This reflects the Resolution’s clear position on upholding the authority of the United Nations.

The United Nations is at the center of the post-World War II international order. The restoration of the People's Republic of China’s lawful seat in the U.N. marked the return of the Chinese people, or one-fourth of the world’s population, back to the stage of the U.N. This is of great, far-reaching significance both to China and the world.

Any attempt to challenge Resolution 2758 constitutes not only a challenge to China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, but also a challenge to the authority of the U.N. as well as the post-World War II international order. Flagrantly reversing the course of history is absurd and highly dangerous.

Ⅳ. The international community, including the UK, should uphold the One-China Principle and jointly safeguard international order.

The painful lessons of World War II show that only when all countries join hands to safeguard the international system with the U.N. at its core, the international order underpinned by international law and the basic norms governing international relations based on the purposes and principles of the U.N. Charter, defend international fairness and justice, can the vision of “saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war” in the preamble of the U.N. Charter become a reality and can human society truly achieve peace, stability, progress and development.

Both the UK and China are signatories of the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation, and both as permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, we bear a shared responsibility to safeguard the authority and effectiveness of these post-World War II international instruments. In the Joint Communiqué between China and the UK on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations at the Ambassadorial Level in 1972, the UK Government clearly acknowledged the position of the Chinese government that Taiwan is a province of the People’s Republic of China, and decided to revoke its official representative office in Taiwan with immediate effect, and recognized the government of the People’s Republic of China as the sole legal government of China.

For decades, the following UK governments have all honored this political commitment, ensuring the sound and smooth development of China-UK bilateral relations. In August last year, President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Keir Starmer held a phone call during which Prime Minister Starmer reiterated that Britain's long-standing adherence to the one-China policy remains unchanged.

We are pleased to see that friends from various sectors in Northern Ireland firmly support the one-China principle and handle the Taiwan question with extra prudence, and we highly appreciate this stance.

Looking to the future, China is willing to work with the UK/NI, on the basis of mutual respect, to deepen cooperation in a wide range of areas, including economy and trade, education, culture and tourism, science and technology, health and medical care, and bring tangible benefits to the people of both sides.